Abstract This article deals with Croatian democratization as the most important process of its political modernization and identifies the main facilitating and inhibiting factors and their influence on its outcomes. The analysis is carried out at the sociostructural, institutional-political and sociocultural levels, while the outcomes of democratization are evaluated in relation to the features of a consolidated (substantive) democracy and the basic features of political modernization. It is shown that the specific sociostructural and sociocultural features – modeled by contingent factors – had a decisive influence on the context, processes and actors of democratization and its outcomes. It turns out that elite-driven democratization in such a specific context produced further limited modernization. Despite the normative-institutional consolidation and stability of democracy, incomplete sociostructural modernization and sociocultural adaptation, as well as democratic deficits, indicate that the political modernization of Croatian society and the state is still an open process.
The health and economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has grown into a political crisis. It manifests itself primarily in challenges to the institutions of liberal democracy, particularly in ensuring a legitimate legal and political framework for action and crisis management in an emergency situation. This paper examines the implementation of public health measures to protect life and health (epidemiological measures, vaccinations), which by their very nature involve restrictions on civil liberties, and analyzes their legitimacy and appropriateness against the standards of liberal democracy. The theoretical and legal-political framework of the analysis is the relationship between freedom and safety, i.e. between the civil rights and liberties guaranteed in liberal democracy and the right to life and health as a fundamental human right. Based on the distinction between these two concepts and the analysis of the scope and manner of the implementation of public health measures – especially in the current context of the crisis of liberal democracy and the populist instrumentalization of civil rights for certain political goals and the state of infodemics – the specifics of this relationship are determined. Following the findings of this analysis, it is concluded that civil rights and human rights are not mutually exclusive, despite the competitive relationship and tension between individual liberty and public security – which is particularly emphasized in a pandemic situation. On the contrary, they complement each other and are prerequisites for each other. This path points to the possibilities of achieving a balance between them, and thus to the possibilities of overcoming the crisis caused by the pandemic. ; Zdravstvena i ekonomska kriza nastala COVID-19 pandemijom prerasla je i u političku krizu. Ona se očituje prvenstveno u izazovima s kojima se suočavaju institucije liberalne demokracije, prije svega u osiguranju legitimnog pravno-političkog okvira djelovanja i upravljanja krizom u izvanrednoj situaciji. Ovaj članak istražuje primjenu javnozdravstvenih mjera (epidemiološke mjere, cijepljenje) usmjerenih zaštiti života i zdravlja, koje inherentno uključuju i ograničenja građanskih sloboda, te analizira njihovu legitimnost i primjerenost u odnosu na standarde liberalne demokracije. Teorijski i pravno-politički okvir analize jest odnos između slobode i sigurnosti, odnosno građanskih prava i sloboda koje jamči liberalna demokracija i prava na život i zaštitu zdravlja kao temeljnog ljudskog prava. Temeljem razgraničenja tih dvaju pojmova i analize opsega i načina implementacije javnozdravstvenih mjera – posebice u aktualnom kontekstu krize liberalne demokracije i populističke instrumentalizacije građanskih prava za partikularne političke ciljeve te stanja infodemije – utvrđuju se specifičnosti tog odnosa u aktualnoj pandemijskoj situaciji i procjenjuje se legitimnost poduzetih mjera. Na osnovi te analize, zaključuje se kako, usprkos konkurentskom odnosu i tenziji između individualne slobode i javne sigurnosti – osobito naglašenima u pandemijskoj situaciji – građanska i ljudska prava se međusobno ne isključuju. Naprotiv, ona se nadopunjuju i jedna su preduvjet drugima, pa se na tom tragu upućuje na mogućnosti postizanja ravnoteže među njima, posljedično i na mogućnosti prevladavanja pandemijske krize.
The article deals with the issue of political participation in the network society. It examines how new forms of public communication enabled by ICT mediated communication (especially new media), as well as virtual socialization and the resulting new social structures (especially social networks), affect political participation, particularly citizens' influence on the government and the political decision-making processes. An analysis of these relationships shows that the changes brought by ICT, in both the social structure and the area of public communication equally, and the expansion of space of political freedom and political communication, do not increase political participation by themselves. It is determined primarily by technological requirements, and then by sociostructural and sociocultural factors, as endogenous properties of certain societies that substantially determine their overall social and political dynamics. In that sense, the level of development of the virtual sphere, the numbers and diversity of social networks and new media, cannot by themselves be considered to be independent variables, nor can they be considered outside of the specific social context. This is particularly noticeable in transitional societies in which specific (undeveloped) sociostructural and sociocultural factors are the key obstacle to the development of political participation, and hence democracy.
This article tries to examine the major aspects of current trends that impact higher education policies in ongoing processes of universities' restructuring, particularly higher education system transformation in Europe (Bologna process), with an emphasis on postcommunist societies. Globalization, internalization and marketization are identified as main exogenous factors, while massification, national specificities (political and cultural), educational legacies, and local government capabilities are the most significant endogenous factors that determine reforms of higher education systems. The author examines the trends of universities' restructuring under conditions of change of traditional relations between them and the social environment, particularly the state. They are characterized by diminishing of the key role of the nation-state in current social and economic development, as well as gradual decomposition of the welfare state and reduction of its core functions, including a significantly reduced support to higher education. Both processes push policy makers toward market-led policies on higher education, which causes problems, whether of higher education sustainability, or quality and competitiveness, or accessibility and equity. The author argues that the exogenous factors largely impact (or directly create) trends that affect changes in higher education systems, particularly in the universities' role and mission, while the endogenous factors are mainly responsible for the success of reforms in certain societies. ; Članak nastoji istražiti glavne aspekte suvremenih trendova koji utječu na politike visokog obrazovanja u tekućim procesima restrukturiranja sveučilišta, poglavito pitanje transformacije sustava visokog obrazovanja u Europi (bolonjski proces), s naglaskom na postkomunističkim društvima. Globalizacija, internalizacija i marketizacija su utvrđeni ključnim egzogenim faktorima, dok su masifikacija, nacionalne specifičnosti (političke i kulturalne), obrazovne tradicije te kapaciteti lokalnih samouprava utvrđeni kao endogeni faktori koji određuju reforme sustava visokog obrazovanja. Autor istražuje trendove restrukturiranja sveučilišta u uvjetima promjene tradicionalnih odnosa koje ona ima s društvenim okruženjem, poglavito državom. Spomenute trendove naročito karakterizira smanjena uloga nacionalne države u provođenju društvenog i ekonomskog razvoja te dekompozicija socijalne države i smanjivanje njezinih temeljnih funkcija, što je za posljedicu imalo signifikantno smanjivanje potpore sustavu visokog obrazovanja. Oba procesa gurnula su kreatore politika u smjeru politika visokog obrazovanja zasnovanih na djelovanju tržišta, što uzrokuje niz problema – bilo da se radi o pitanjima održivosti visokog obrazovanja, o pitanjima njegove kvalitete i kompetitivnosti, ili pak o pitanjima pristupa visokom obrazovanju i njegovoj pravičnosti. Autor ističe da na promjene u sustavima visokog obrazovanja prije svega utječu (ili ih čak izravno kreiraju) egzogeni faktori, napose s obzirom na ulogu i misiju koju imaju sveučilišta, dok su endogeni faktori prvenstveno odgovorni za uspjeh reformi u pojedinim društvima.
The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.
The article discusses the problem of political trust and its importance for the functioning of democracy, as well as the differences in the origin and structure of political trust between the old and the new democracies. Political trust is a prerequisite for the legitimacy of democratic regimes. In the new democracies, the commitment to democracy does not automatically create political trust. The problem of democratic functioning of institutions in the circumstances of widespread distrust, that is, the problem of creating trust in the circumstances of institutional inefficiency, revives the determinism of the socio-cultural matrix in transitional societies. The origin and the structure of political trust are discussed within the framework of the cultural and institutional approach. The cultural approach considers trust to be exogenous and determined by socio-cultural characteristics, while in the institutional approach trust is considered to be endogenous, and resulting from functioning institutions. The author points out the limits of the institutional approach since it neglects the fact that existing socio-cultural factors are not compatible to the new political structure caused by the developmental and political discontinuity of the transitional societies. The author also points out the importance of trust in the system's institutions. Trust is an important socio-cultural feature which enables the consolidation of democracy. The institutions may gain political trust exclusively by being reliable and working in bringing about democratic relations. Workable institutions demand responsibility of political actors, and by respecting democratic norms and procedures they secure the liberty and equality of citizens and enable active political participation. Only in this way can institutions generate trust that would underlie the legitimacy of democratic regimes. Therefore building institutions that would be autonomous to demand efficiency and responsibility from political actors, and would be responsive towards the citizens is the biggest problem and a most important task of the democratic consolidation. Adapted from the source document.
The problems of democratic legitimation & the ineffectiveness of the democratic system characterize the postsocialist societies despite their normative-institutional democratic constitution. The socioeconomic conditions affect democratization, but it seems that the sociocultural factors (especially the patterns of dominant political cultures) are the key determinants for the survival & development of the democratic political system. Transitional societies are marked by developmental discontinuity. Normative-institutional & culturological changes possess different dynamics & do not occur concurrently. This discrepancy brings into question the legitimacy & success of democratic consolidation. Such an interactive relationship between the political culture & the political system (structure) makes up the framework for the study of major political-cultural preconditions for democratization. The paper deals with the sociocultural features of transition, the nature of cultural changes (value changes & institutional learning), political trust, legitimacy, the features of civic political culture, the attitude towards power & authority, political participation, the role of political elites, the sociocultural aspect of economic development, & the interest in politics. It is possible to overcome the distinctive discrepancy between culture & structure primarily by means of the transformation of sociocultural preconditions i.e. as democratic resocialization (through the processes of value change & institutional learning). It turns out that democratic consolidation is essentially defined by this sociocultural transformation. Sociocultural conditions i.e. political-cultural preconditions, are the key predictors of the success of the democratizational process. Apart from the implemented values of democracy & the citizens' acceptance of these values, democracy also requires active citizenry, hence the expansion of citizens' participation is seen as the main goal of that transformation. References. Adapted from the source document.
The article deals with the concept of civil society in relation to its theoretical legacy & also with its meaning in the context of the social reality of developed democracies &, in particular, transitional societies. The author looks into the fundamental features of the societies of developed democracies where defining the further development of civil society & its adjustment to new social circumstances is under way, primarily due to the preservation & strengthening of the civic initiative & the expansion of the space for civic & political participation. For transitional societies, democracy is a coveted goal. The author's opinion is that the establishment of an autonomous civil society & the application of its elementary mechanisms is the essential & irreplaceable condition of its realization. He looks into the prospects for the democratization of the public & the political space of transitional societies by means of the application of social & political patterns of civil society, especially in relation to all the differences & particularities of these societies that serve as inhibiting factors (social & political legacy, authoritarian aberrations). Despite a plethora of obstacles, the prospects for an autochthonous structuring of the civil society within the existing social conditions, based on the same universal values of the civil society in developed democracies, are much bigger than those for the implementation of the readymade solutions from developed democracies. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.
